III
Questions from this brief overview of History
pertinent for the present times are:
1. What is the value of the permanency of a system, any system?
2. When such a system is decadent or oppressive, what need be the measures adopted to change it?
3. Is the threat of anarchy inherent in any change?
4. How, if at all, can rebellion be avoided or prevented? To what extent is it justified? When
does it anarchise and when can that possibility be subverted? How can it be assimilated?
5. Can the lessons of History be changed, or the cycle must need be repeated?
Now, you would
agree all these are bright questions to which justice would be done by a volume each. And many serious thinkers must feel anything less than that incomplete if not exactly frivolous. We must indeed respect this view. But just as a volume is no guarantee of comprehensivity, an article
is no excuse for trivialization; it only masks an avoidable pretentiousness. For we are to concentrate, although briefly and in the most generalized manner, on aspects of such questioning as are directly pertinent to the present sociopolitical atmosphere, and summarizeable for a wider audience
that lacks
35 A PEEP INTO MAN S HISTORITY
either the inclination, or the ability, to digest
volumes on each. We need not berate this group;
they must be taken along, and excited in their own enquiries. It may, further, help them to turn attention to the more comprehensive writers in this answer-seeking. We may, therefore, be pardoned what may appear to some the cryptic nature of some of the comments that follow.
Answering the
first question. There need be no permanency about any one system, though a system needs to be permanently present. Often difficulties arise because we mix these two concepts. Let us elaborate upon this a little. Threat to any one system is considered a threat to 'system' as a concept. There is thus a tendency to rally around the existing one, for better or for worse. Since this can warp judgement the only thing that can be said in its favour
is that this is legitimate in only two conditions (i) when there genuinely appears
no viable alternative; (ii) when one genuinely believes in the ultimate worth
of the prevailing system itself, i.e., one feels it can be repaired and remedied.
Both these conditions imply that we honestly believe alternative systems are
either not viable or do not have such potential; or, are not worth supporting, even given their greatest potential over a
period of time. It also means the present system, though messy, is capable of
change that can make the best possible of the situation, for now and the future. This utility oriented goal directedness is essentially a matter of approach. When one sees a mansion in need of repairs, we have three alternatives open to us. (Or, rather four, for one may decide not to do anything about it at all.) The first is carry out minor repairs and patchwork that are measures more of our deception and denial rather
than genuine concern. The second is undertake essential repairs that prevent further damage and at the same time make the
mansion serviceable. Herein come expediency, adhocism and short-term planning.
The third is pulling down the structure and rebuilding it, brick by brick. This last is the most attractive on any serious evaluation, though that does not necessarily make
it practicable. Most revolutionaries and idealists are fired with some such zeal, which is precisely what dissatisfies them
when any of the other types of activities are carried out. But often they can
not only not prevent it, they have no viable alternative to offer. For they themselves
have to account for two conditions: it is fine to decide that we break down a
structure and rebuild it, but where do we stay in the meanwhile? And second, what
is the guarantee that the second structure will be better than the first? Now, it is of
course possible to say to the first question that temporarily difficulties cannot
but be accepted, and to the second that it is only a reflection of one's stagnation
and indolence. But these answers are only partially true. We must make provision for the basic social psyche of the group
for which a system is planned. If this psyche is predominantly stability-propelled,
any threat to its basic structure will be considered a threat to its very existence,
a destabilization which will be strongly resisted regardless of its rationale
and its justification.
The second alternative
is not without its own attraction, if it can be embellished with something more than adhocism. Here we not only carry out essen-
36 AJAI R. SINGH AND SHAKUNTALA
A. SINGH
tial repairs without threatening to demolish
the building. We even carry out partial demolitions
and rebuilding, even extending new wings, all the while cognizant of the anxieties of the stability-propelled. The foundation here is not the first entity to be repaired: it is the last, as the beneficial effects of restructuring
sink into the minds. At that stage it could be decided whether it needs the extensive repairs that one was so convinced about earlier. One may then be pleasantly surprised to find the inmates may accept it, even propose it themselves and help carry it out. But if one feels that the
foundation itself is defective and needs no repairs, but has to be freshly laid, one may find one's honest convictions challenged at every step, besides turning out to be unfounded
in the ultimate analysis. Often both the foundation and the basic skeleton do not need change; in any case they cannot be changed. What can be modified are their reinforcers, their appendages, their muscle tone, their resilience
and their dynamism to adjust to changed circumstances.
And one may be surprised to find that most basic
structures everywhere do not lack the ability as
badly as they are made out to. Their inner strength and resilience is often marred or cannot become manifest because of the weaknesses of their functional
appendages. Even in the remote possibility that the foundation needs fresh laying,
even that may become an acceptable proposition if we go about in the manner described
above. Granted there will be some repetition of effort. Granted there will be
waste of labour. But the important factor is to arouse people to co-operate. To
achieve this some duplication cannot but be tolerated. But to avoid duplication,
co-operation cannot be sacrificed. Our action and justification will have to be
guided by and circumscribed in this domain. The conservative can then be pardoned
his occasionally sticky appearing rationale for supporting the status quo.
Of course, there
is a weakness in this argument. This is regarding our earlier
use of the words 'genuinely' and 'honestly', and the possibility that the basic defect cannot be repaired, it must be broken down and reconstructed. Both involve value-judgements which can be as scrupulously followed as unscrupulously flaunted; or exploitatively used by the parties
concerned.
And the problem
does not end here. Others have their role to play as well, which makes us come to the second question.
No doubt, a decadent or
oppressive system needs to undergo a change. The
question, however, is how, and whether it is possible at all, working with the means and the material at our disposal. One
view would try working from within, cautiously
persistent, bringing about change in the system that grows with time, to which both reformer and reformed have time to adjust. The other seeks radical overthrow with replacement
by a new order. Both systems have built in advantages
and disadvantages. Whilst caution may stifle the speed of change and ultimately curb its vigour, radicalism may speed up confusion and recklessness, which can amount to throwing
the baby out with the bath-water. And yet, if
one may avoid the frills and fringes of the issue and concentrate on their basics, both appear to seek almost similar goals by diverse methods.
A. PEEP INTO MAM'S H1STORITY 37
This makes no method more suitable than the other, except for the user's
expertise and that of his honest believers; and the strength and limitation of the domain they wish to influence. This of course is applicable only to those earnestly convinced of their capacities and their ultimate goals.
In this, just
as their differences of means are important in their differences, similarities of goals are important in their similarities. It is only when such a broad framework is kept in mind that a solution can be worked out that avoids needless heroics or steam. Such a synthesis is only a working
arrangement, true, and will appear to break down
at times. But the artificial and trumpeted schizms
that are measures less of concepts and more of personalities will both be highlighted and avoided. The sides, further, will have an opportunity to complement each other both in their strengths and their weaknesses. The high
place that malice, back-biting and bitching have
in human affairs and ideologies are more a measure
of pique and requittal and our aggressive dogmatism, which
will be forced to undergo some measure of sublimation.
Coming to the third question. Any change
of course has the inherent threat to anarchize. This is precisely the reason change
is resisted by the conservative when it appears thrust upon him, or too fast
to adjust to. But it is incorrect to believe he is unamenable to change; what
is rather more correct is he is concerned with order. That is also the reason
why any drastic change holds eternal attraction for the radical or the romanticist.
He may wish, albeit unconsciously, for a 'controlled' anarchy to prevail so that
the present order crumbles and hopefully gives place to the new. But the anarchical nature of such change, we know, asserts itself so strongly that every revolution has its price to pay in terms of disorder, strife, chaos and suffering to the masses, besides leading in its own right to the rise of totalitarianism and its breed of sycophants, loyalists and turn-coats. And yet a time comes when even such an
anarchy may be welcome when it gets pitted against despotism. All ramifications
of this delicate issue are impossible to tackle here. Suffice to say that despots
breed anarchy is as true an aphorism as anarchy breeds despots. Man's greatest
thrust can be how to break this vicious cycle that History and its perpetuation
by man have inflicted on each other.
Regarding the question
whether rebellion can be avoided or prevented, the
issues must centre around both the propriety of the rebellion and its strength. Rebellion that is ill-directed and that can only be chaotic alone need be totally rejected. No rebellion is wholly so. Hence every prevention
or suppression must involve at least two concepts.
These are, one, the ideas of favoura-bility and,
two, the strength of the ruler against whom the rebellion is directed. There
is every need to accept that rebellion will be viewed with disfavour by most rulers,
whether strong or weak. Whilst their strength can succeed in putting it down ruthlessly
and swiftly, their weakness is equally likely to cause ruthlessness, and a prolonged one at that. The lessons of this
should be obvious to those involved in the present political drama in India. (Contd.)
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